Essays Military Customs Courtesies

More limitations (direct and indirect) on the powers of the military were enumerated in the Bill of Rights: notably, in the right to bear arms, the protection from quartering troops, and the protection from unreasonable search and seizure.The Posse Comitatus Act (1878) further limited the military’s role in the domestic sphere. We argue that the rise (and sustainment) of public confidence in the military reflects two phenomena. The judiciary, organized religion, public schools, universities, the executive and legislative branches of government, the press, corporations, banks, organized labor – all have suffered to some extent. Source: Figure created by authors based on Gallup poll data. military has enjoyed high levels of public confidence. This increasing trust in and regard for the armed forces has been the notable exception to a general decline or stagnation in Americans’ regard for other key institutions. Percentage of Respondents Expressing “a great deal” or “quite a lot” of Confidence in American Institutions, 1973–2011 Note that no survey was conducted in 1992.

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Through five rounds of Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) from 1989 to 2005, 350 military installations have been closed. population, this downsizing has been large: active-duty military personnel accounted for 1.5 percent of the population in 1970, 0.9 percent in 1980, and just 0.48 percent in 2010. Ostensibly, all American military actions are in defense of the U. The 9/11 attacks are a notable exception, although their unconventional character and brief duration precluded any significant U. The political community is also increasingly detached from the military.First, the public has a high regard for the military and its mission, arising from a shift to a professional (nonconscript) force that is perceived to be competent, fair, and accountable. Source: Table created by authors based on Gallup poll data.Second, the public has little fear of military abuses in the domestic arena, owing chiefly to the reduced domestic presence of the military in the post–World War II era, with less emphasis on the physical defense of the homeland; and to the military’s careful cultivation of an apolitical culture since Vietnam. His prior publications on the military include Which of These People is Your Future CEO? His current research examines organizational learning and strategic change. One possible explanation is that the country is becoming more militaristic, but little evidence supports this view. As of 2010, active-duty military personnel made up less than 1 percent of the labor force; adding the National Guard and Reserve Component raises the total to about 1.5 percent (see Figure 3).The number of active-duty military personnel has declined as well, from around 3 million in 1970, to 2 million in 1980, to slightly fewer than 1.5 million today. While numerous veterans (primarily from World War II) have sought and obtained the presidency, the last senior military officer to obtain his party’s nomination for the presidency is also the last one to win the office: General Eisenhower, who served as NATO commander prior to the 1952 election.Of the nation’s 541 Senators and Representatives in the 112th Congress (2011–2013), 118 served or currently serve in the military (9 served in the National Guard or the Reserve), approximately 22 percent of the membership.The American people have a long-standing respect for the principles of duty and sacrifice embodied by the nation’s armed forces, as well as a belief that the conduct of war has a rightful place in establishing and protecting the nation.The United States may have been “conceived in liberty,” but it was birthed, and preserved, in blood: in the rebellion against England; in the Civil War; in wars of expansion against Mexico, Native Americans, and Spain; and in the wars of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.We conclude with a brief discussion of the military’s efforts to develop and encourage public-mindedness among its members, and the challenges to replicating the military approach in other institutional settings. HILL is Professor of Organization Studies in the Department of Command, Leadership, and Management at the U. LEONARD WONG is Research Professor of Military Strategy in the Strategic Studies Institute of the U. Indeed, some are concerned that the men and women of the armed services are becoming increasingly isolated from the nation they serve. Kolditz, Raymond Millen, and Terrence Potter, 2003). In recent decades, Americans’ confidence in the military and its leaders has risen (see Figures 1 and 2, and Table 1).Reacting against Reconstruction, the Congress forbade the use of the Army for the enforcement of domestic laws, except by another act of Congress or a modification of the Constitution. military power is projected across the globe but is barely noticeable at home.Although one may still find fears of the domestic abuses of a too-powerful military in works of fiction, and in the paranoid fantasies of the political fringes, recent history has given Americans little cause for worry in this regard. Since 1970, federal forces have been used only once in the domestic enforcement of law and order, when Marine and Army units were sent to rioting areas of Los Angeles in 1992. presidential politics, the boundary between military and political high office was porous. armed services frowns on overt political activity by senior military leaders – active or retired – despite the conservative leanings of the majority of officers.

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