Term Paper On The Watts Riots Effects Of Homework On Students
“If the police hadn’t come in like that,” she said, “people wouldn’t all have come running out of their houses to see what was going on. My husband told the officers, ‘You’ve got him handcuffed.’ One of the officers answered, ‘Get out of here, niggers. ” The melee at the traffic stop grew into six days of riots, where more than 34 people died, 1,000 were wounded and 3,000 were arrested.
Earl Ofari Hutchinson recalls the incident on New American Media and how even though forty-five years have passed, not much has changed in Watts.
Yet, underneath, there was a subtext of hope that the mass orgy of death and destruction that engulfed our neighborhood during the harrowing five days and nights of the Watts riots in August 1965 might improve things for blacks.
Over the years, when I returned to the block I lived on during the riots, I often thought of his bitter yet hopeful words.
Forty-five years after the riots, those words remain just that: hopeful.
The streets that my friend and I were shooed down by the police and the National Guard 45 years ago look as if time has stood still.
All the homes and stores in the area are all hermetically sealed with iron bars, security gates and burglar alarms.
The riots in the Watts section of Los Angeles last August continued for six days, during which 34 persons were killed, 1,032 were injured, and some 3,952 were arrested.
The police chief never came here before; the mayor always stayed uptown.Unfortunately, but inevitably, the emphasis on behavior in both reports has stirred up an abstract debate over the interpretation of data rather than suggesting programs for dealing with the existing and very concrete situation in which American Negroes find themselves.For example, neither report is concerned about segregation and both tacitly assume that the Civil Rights Acts of 19 are already destroying this system.This week marked the 45th anniversary of the Watts riots in Los Angeles.Watts, a mostly black working-class neighborhood since the 1940s, became a hotbed of racial tension and injustice throughout the early 1960s.We made them come.” Clearly it was no accident that the riots proceeded along an almost direct path to City Hall.Nor was the violence along the way random and “insensate.” Wherever a store-owner identified himself as a “poor working Negro trying to make a business” or as a “Blood Brother,” the mob passed the store by.Mc Cone, to investigate the causes of the riots and to prescribe remedies against any such outbreaks in the future.Just as the violent confrontation on the burning streets of Watts told us much about the underlying realities of race and class relations in America—summed up best, perhaps, by the words of Los Angeles Police Chief William Parker, “We're on top and they're on the bottom”—so does the Mc Cone Report, published under the title , tell us much about the response of our political and economic institutions to the Watts “manifesto.” Like the much-discussed Moynihan Report, the Mc Cone Report is a bold departure from the standard government paper on social problems.This message came home to me over and over again when I talked with the young people in Watts during and after the riots, as it will have come home to those who watched the various television documentaries in which the Negroes of the community were permitted to speak for themselves.At a street-corner meeting in Watts when the riots were over, an unemployed youth of about twenty said to me, “We won.” I asked him: “How have you won?