The Lipset Thesis
If development is the root cause of the problem, then electoral malpractices such as coercion, vote-buying and fraud can be expected to be particularly severe in the poorest societies in Africa. It gathers assessments from over 2,000 experts to evaluate the integrity of all 180 national parliamentary and presidential contests held between July 1, 2012 and December 31, 2015 in 139 countries worldwide, and it generates an overall 100-point Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI) index.Contests are further classified into flawed contests (those scoring 40-49 on the 100-point scale) and failed elections (those scoring less than 40).But even if those descriptions are true, it doesn’t mean these men were fated to be Trump supporters.Recent research in social science and history suggests that they might have been out front in the fight against Mr.Scholars, however, have shown what everyone in politics knows instinctively: Unions are also political organizations that, under the right circumstances, can powerfully channel the working-class vote. And unions have been profoundly weakened by changes in the American economic structure, and by decades of assaults against them by the Republican Party.A classic study on this subject was done by the sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset. In the post-World War II era, one in three American workers belonged to a union; now it’s down to one in 10.The results of this year’s survey provide new and sometimes surprising insights into the failure – or success – of elections, especially in Africa, where democracy has a shallow history and its future is often in doubt. When this happens, achievement of a certain threshold of development – equal to about ,000 per person a year in 2005 prices or equivalent currencies – protects new democracies from backsliding. The so-called “Lipset thesis” argues that democracies and, by extension, electoral integrity flourish best in industrialized and postindustrial societies with widespread literacy and education, an affluent professional middle class and a pluralistic range of civic associations serving as a buffer between citizens and the state. For example, Singapore is one of the richest countries in the world, yet it has been ruled by Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party since 1959.
When we think about unions, what typically come to mind are interest groups concerned with wages, benefits and working conditions. These include a history of war and violence, the curse of having natural resources, constitutional designs, ethnic divisions and regional neighbors. Ever since sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset’s classic 1959 article titled “Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,” scholars have puzzled over the links between democracy and development. Many factors contribute to these contrasts among African elections. Benin’s presidential contest on the same day also saw a relatively peaceful government turnover where Prime Minister Lionel Zinsou, a former investment banker, conceded defeat to businessman Patrice Talon, the “king of cotton” in the second-round runoff. Previous African elections which also worked relatively well, according to international observers and experts, have been held in Mauritius, South Africa, Lesotho and Namibia. Contentious elections in each of these states threaten fragile prospects for stable democratic governance in Africa. For example, in Cape Verde’s parliamentary elections, also on March 20, the ruling party was defeated, the campaign saw little conflict and the opposition came to power after 15 years.In a 1959 paper, he demonstrated that while the working class in most countries favors economic liberalism, it also displays an authoritarian streak. Lipset found blue-collar workers to be less committed to democratic norms like tolerance for political opponents, preference for rational argumentation over charismatic appeals and support for the rights of ethnic and racial minorities. In terms of representing the traditional working class, the number is even smaller, since a large and growing share of union members consists of public sector employees with college degrees (like teachers). when he spoke in favor of Barack Obama’s candidacy for president.These tendencies, he claimed, were a function of lower levels of education and the isolation of many workers (for example, coal miners) from people who were different from them. Exit polls showed that white men who didn’t belong to unions voted overwhelmingly for John Mc Cain, but unionized white men ended up supporting Mr. In Europe, as in the United States, working-class men are a key constituency for the far-right political parties that are now ascendant. Union decline has left the working class politically and economically vulnerable, and it’s this vulnerability Mr. (For obvious reasons, working-class African-Americans and Latinos are antipathetic.) If unions had anything like their former influence, how many workers would buy the empty economic promises Mr. He was the union’s secretary-treasurer; he was not yet the president.In a paper published this year the historian Timothy Minchin argues that backing from the A. These mixed results deserve our attention because elections are a barometer of how well a democracy is functioning. The original claim by Lipset specified most simply that: This claim has been debated for more than a half-century. At the same time, several low- to middle-income African countries such as Lesotho, Cape Verde, Botswana and Benin have solid democratic ratings, according to Freedom House, for more than two decades.If infused with a democratic spirit — organized and run in a non-autocratic fashion with an eye to the greater good — a labor union might inculcate civic virtues in its members, pushing them to think and vote in a more enlightened way. Obama was a tough sell to white union members with less progressive racial attitudes. Obama, who was a former community organizer, Richard Trumka, then the secretary-treasurer of the A. (It is not an accident of history that Hitler abolished German trade unions as part of his consolidation of power, or that farmers and small business owners were more sympathetic to the Nazi cause than were industrial workers reared on unionism.)IF unions can steer workers in democratic directions, why haven’t they been able to tamp down the appeal of Mr. Unions have in fact been heavily involved in the anti-Trump campaign. Though contemporary research has called aspects of Mr.